^ 440 



SPEECH OF 

Hon. W. a. RICHARDSON, 

OF ILLINOIS, 

DELIVERED IN BURLINGTON, NEW JERSEY, 

Tuesday Evening-, July 17, 1860. 



Ma. President and Fellow-Citizens : — I 
am not here to-night for the purpose of as- 
sailing gentlemen who may belong to political 
organizations different tVom that of which I 
am a member. I believe that the masses of 
all the political parties in this country are 
for carrying on and preserving our Govern- 
ment as our fathers gave it to us. While I 
am not here for the purpose of assailing the 
masses of the parties, it is my duty, as it is 
the duty of every citizen of tliis country, to 
speak plainly of the leaders of those parties. 

In this contest, fellow-citizens, we have 
presented to our view some very extraordi- 
nary things. We have had four Conventions, 
presenting as many candidates, representing 
as many views ; and no one of those Conven- 
tions has endorsed the Administration now 
in power in this Government. We have, 
for the first time in the history of our Gov- 
ernment, the extraordinary spectacle of a 
President of the United States, (not endorsed 
by any Convention,) entering the political 
arena, and making political speeches for one 
of those parties. When the President of the 
United States thus condescends to enter the 
political arena, I am disposed to treat his 
sentiments, his opinions, his views, as I 
would treat those of any other opponent 
whom I might meet in that arena. 

The President of the United States has 
said, in a speech recently made, that we have 
no regular Democratic nomination; that no 
one has been nominated by the Democratic 
party in such a manner as to call upon that 
party to lend the nomination their support. 
Let us inquire and see whether the President 
is not mistaken ; or, if he is not mistaken, 
whether he has not misstated the facts. I 
affirm — I am ready to meet any man any- 
where with that affirmation — that the nomi- 
nation of Stephen A. Douglas, made at Balti- 
more, has been made in accordance with the 
usages of the party — he receiving the votes 
necessary to constitute such a nomiaation. 
[Applause.] 



The two-thirds rule, fellow-citizens, was 
adopted in 1844. I have not time to-nigh*, 
to recur to the reasons which induced the 
party to adopt that rule. The same language 
that was used in 1844 is the precise language 
that is now binding upon Democratic Con- 
ventions ; it is the same language that has 
obtained in every Democratic Convention 
from 1844 to 18G0. In 1848, when General 
Cass was nominated at Baltimore, he received 
179 votes, and Andrew Stevenson, of Va., 
the presiding officer — long the Speaker of 
the House of Representatives, at one time 
our Minister at the Court of St. James— de- 
clared that he was nominated, having received 
two-thirds of all the votes cast for Presiden- 
tial nominee. Tlie records show that Gen. 
Cass received at that time no more than 179 
votes. A resolution was adopted then (as a 
similar resolution was adopted recently at 
Baltimore in the case of Mr. Douglas) that 
he be unanimously declared the nominee of 
the Convention. There were absent from 
that Convention delegates from the State of 
New York. They had absented themselves 
because they refused to give a pledge to 
abide by the nomination and the platform 
that might be made by the Convention. Let 
us pass on. At Cincinnati, when Mr. Bu- 
chanan himself was nominated, the liighest 
vote he received was 1G8. Mr. Douglas was 
then withdrawn bj me, and the next resolu- 
tion adopted was one declaring Mr. Buchanan 
the nominee of the Convention. Some of the 
delegates in that Convention never did and 
never would consent that their votes should 
be counted for him. Wliat are the facts in 
relation to the nomination of Judge Douglas? 
On the last ballot preceding his being declared 
the nominee of the Baltimore Convention, he 
received 18U votes — more than Gen. Cass 
received in 1848, more than Mr. Buchanan 
received in 18.'')C ; and immediately after Mr. 
D«uglas received that vote of ISl.i, the Con- 
vention declared him unanimously the nomi- 
nee of the Democratic party. [Cheers. J 






That resolution, wliich was unanimously 
adopted, was passed by 225 votes. With 
what truthfulness, then, can Mr. Buchanan 
declare that yre liave no regular Democratic 
nomination? Mr. Douglas -was nominated 
precisely as Gen. Cass was nominated, pre- 
cisely as Mr. Buchanan himself was nomi- 
nated ; and on the ballot preceding his 
leceiving the unanimous endorsement of the 
('onvcntion, ho obtained more votes than | 
cither of tlio.sc gentlemen received when they 
were nominated. [Applause.] Fellow-citi- 
zens, I aslcyour attention to these facts; and 
I say that Mr. Buchanan was not well in- 
formed upon this subject, or, if he was, he 
lias misstated the facts. 

Mr. Buchanan says another thing. He 
declares tliat we have no Democratic nomi- 
nation ; that Democrats are at liberty to vote 
either for Mr.Douglas or for Mr. Breckinridge. 
Well, if that is his opinion, why is it that, 
under his Administration, every Federal offi- 
cer in the United States is turned out of 
oflfice as soon as it is known that he is for 
Mr. Douglas, [applause,] and they leave in 
office those who are in favor of Mr. Lincoln? 
for I declare to you that, in Illinois, there 
are four office-holders who are Republicans, 
supporters of Lincoln, where there is one in 
favor of Mr. Dou<jlas. Throughout the en- 
tire length and breadth of that State, so far 
as I know, there is not one single Federal 
officer who is in favor of Mr. Douglas. There 
are those who are in favor of Mr. Lincoln. 
I ask tlie President — I ask those who defend 
him — how it is, and why it is, that he can 
leave llepublicans in office, Breckenridge 
men in office. Bell men in office, but when- 
ever a Douglas man is in office, the knife 
must be applied to him, no matter whether 
he is honest, faitliful, trustworthy — no matter 
what may be his condition and position? 
Why is this war made upon this section of 
the Democracy if it is true, as Mr. Buchanan 
alleges, that a man, without violating his 
Democracy, may vote for either Mr. Breckin- 
ridge or Mr. Douglas. [Applause.] 

I do not desire to assail the President of 
the United States, except so far as he has 
placed himself in controversy before the 
country. I affirm, fellow-citizens, tliat Mr. 
Douglas is not only nominated in accordance 
with the traditions of the fathers and the 
usages of the party, but that he stands upon 
their principles. We all know, that, in re- 
gard to this eternal slavery question, which 
has agitated our country during the manhood 
of most of us, the Democratic party has stood 
upon the same ground from 184'8 until the 
present time. 1 will not tire your patience 
by entering into detail; but I aver that in 
1848, when Gen. (!ass was our Presidential 
candidate, ho stood upon tlie Nicholson J..et- 
ler — the Baltimore Gonventiou that nomina- 



ted him endorsing the doctrine therein enun- 
ciated. What is that doctrine ? We know 
that in that Convention^ this Mr. Yancey, of 
Alabama, proposed to amend the platform 
upon which Gen. Cass stood, by incorporat- 
ing into it the doctrine of Congressional in- 
terference to protect slavery in the Territo- 
ries. The Democratic party, in Convention, 
by nearly a unanimous vote, decided against 
Jlr. Yancey, and in favor of the great doctrine 
of non-intervention by Congress, leaving the 
whole subject of slavery in the Territories to 
be disposed of by the people. [Immense ap- 
plause.] We went through the contest of 
1848 upon that ground. At Baltimore, in 
that year, when Mr. Yancey entered upon 
the journals of the Convention his protest 
against the doctrine of non-intervention, the 
Southern States — with the exception of Ala- 
bama, and perhaps, South Carolina and 
Florida — stood with us and by us on that 
doctrine. 

Let us pass along in this history. In 1850, 
when the slavery question was agitating the 
counti-y to its utmost extremity, when danger 
was menacing our institutions, anxiety for 
the public weal called from his retreat at 
Ashland, Kentucky, that able and experienced 
statesman Mr. Clay. He entered the Senate; 
and there Clay, Cass, Webster, Douglas, all 
united, all stood upon the ground known as 
\ the Compromise Measures, of 18-50. What 
were those measures ? In the organi'zation 
of the Territories of Utah and New Mex- 
ico, instead of dividing the territory, we 
took the territory included in the Louisi- 
ana purchase, covered by the line of 36 
deg. 30 min., and united it with the terri- 
tory acquired from Mexico at the conclu- 
sion of the war. We extended the same law 
over both. What was that law? That the 
people of the Territories should legislate for 
themselves upon all questions in regai'd to 
which tliey were not prohibited by the 
Constitution of the United States. [Loud 
applause.] Congress in the adopt-ion of 
those measures, planted itself upon the great 
doctrine of non-intervention, [cheers,] and 
referred the whole question in regard to 
slavery as well as other domestic institutions, 
from Congress to the people of Teri'itories. 
[Applause.] 

Two years afterward, the Democratic party 
met in Convention at Baltimore, and passed 
resolutions reaffirming the doctrines of 1848, 
and adopting the Compromise measures of 
1850 as a finality on the slavery question. 
Every Democrat in the United States, who 
in 1852 voted for General Pierce, the nominee 
of that Convention, pledged himself to stand 
by fliis doctrine of non-intervention by Con- 
gress and to refer the question for adjustment 
to tlie people of the Territory. The Whig 
party also met iu. Convention, and they 



Weet. Eea. BiMt. Seo. 



3 



nominated General Scott. Tvhat did they do 
■with regard to this question of slavery ? 
They also adopted tlie Compromise measures 
of 18-50 as a linality upon the slavery question; 
they stood upon the great doctrine of non- 
intervention. [Applause.] The Whig party 
and the Democratic party stood upon the 
same ground. 

It is no reply to this to say, " But in the 
subsequent legislation you interposed ; you 
did this, or did that, or did the other." 
What did the t-\vo parties mean when they 
said that they -would make the Compromise 
measures of 18-50 a finality ? Did they mean 
that they -would not organize any more Terri- 
tories ? Not at all. What they meant and 
said -was : "When -we come to organize other 
Territories, -we -will remove all obstruction ; > 
-we -will take away all prohibition ; -we -will 
confer upon the people of the Territories the 
newer to dispose of these questions for them- 
selves." Hence, in the very next Territo- 
rial bill that was passed by Congress, the 
■bill organizing the Territory of Washington, 
2t was declared that all prohibitions or laws 
passed by Congress prior to September 1, 
1848, should be inoperative and void, and 
that the people should have tlio power to 
dispose of all these questions for themselves. 
In that bill was enunciated the great doctrine 
of non-intervention, all previous prohibitions 
iiy Congress being rescinded, and the power 
l)eing conferred on the people to settle for 
themselves the questions in regard to their 
internal affairs. That bill passed the House 
of Representatives by a two-thirds vote, and 
it passed the Senate unanimously. 

Here are the Compromise measures of 
1850, here is the action of the two parties in 
18-52, here is the action of Congress in 185-3, 
all proceeding upon the ground that the peo- 
ple of the Territory shall themselves dispose 
of all these questions according to their 
wishes, subject to no other limitation than the 
Constitution of the United States. [Cheers.] 

In 1854 Congress passed what is known as 
the Kansas-Nebraska bill. What is that bill? 
As you know, great excitement was produced 
in the Koi'thern part of this country by the 
passage of that bill. Many men honestly 
believed that, in that measure, it was the 
purpose of the Democratic party to break 
down every barrier and to establish slavery 
in all the Territories of the United States. 
That charge was denied by the Democratic 
party. But we were overwhelmed at the 
North; our opponents swept districts, States, 
everytliing from beneath our feet. Still, in 
• that Kansas-Nebraska bill, we had only 
asserted the same doctrine to which Whigs 
and Democrats were pledged in 1852 
and which was ratified by the action of Con- 
gress in 1853. It is true we repealed the 



restriction of 1820; but we did so in order 
that we might leave nothing binding upon 
the Territory, so that the people miglit for 
themselves dispose of tiicse questions in 
regard to their domestic institutions. [Ap- 
plause.] 

We next come to the Cincinnati platform. 
And here, it is saiil, our action was liable to 
a double constructicm. Well, it is very easy to 
determine wiicther or not that is so. When 
we adopted that Cincinnati platform, wc 
nominated James Buchanan for President, 
and JohnC. Breckinridge for Vice President. 
Each of those gentleman gave a construction 
to the Cincinnati platform. Mr. Buchanan, 
in his letter of acceptance declared that 
under the operation of the Kansas-Nebraska 
bill, " the people of a Territory, like tliosc ' 
of a State would decide for themselve.9 
whether slavery shall or shall not exist with- 
in their limits." [Applause.] Mr. Breckin- 
ridge, when he went home to Kentucky, 
declared, in a speech to his constituents 
there, that this question was left to the peo- 
ple of the Territories, that they might dis- 
pose of it for th.emsclves. Now men come 
forward and say there were two construc- 
tions. But both the candidates gave to that 
platform the same construction; they adopted 
the same construction which the Democratic 
party to-day gives to that platform, ami 
those acts of legislation — that power was 
conferred upon the people of the Territories 
to dispose of these questions for themselves. 
Is there any man in this assembly who will 
stand up and tell me tliat in 1856 he con- 
strued that platform differently. If he 
adopted a different construction, why did he 
vote for Buchanan and Breckinridge? There 
is no man in America who misunderstood 
tliis platform. ["That's so," and applause.] 
No honest men will rise and say so. [Cheers.] 
No argument can be made in favor of any 
other construction that would not disgrace a 
man in any justice's court in the land. 
[Applause.] 

But, fellow-citizens, wc are now told that 
there is some division in the Democratic 
party. Even in New Jersey, it is said, there 
are some men who think that the Cincinnati 
platform meant exactly what Mr. Buchanan 
and Mr Breckinridge in 1856 said it did not 
mean. Gentlemen have the right to change 
their opinions. In this country, in this en- 
lightened age, it is the duty of every gentle- 
man when he changes his opinion to avow it. 
When a man is satisfied that he has been in 
error, I respect him for changing his opinion. 
But for men who, declaring that they stand 
where they stood in 1856, avow themselves in 
favor of a slave-code in the Territories, I 
have no respect — not a particle [applause:] 
they are entitled to none. Either they are 
stupid or else they are not truthful. [Cheers.] 



Fellow-citizens, I might trace the course 
of Mr. Breckinridge from 1850 down to the 
present time, and show that whenever he has 
spoken upon this subject, he lias always 
stood upon the same ground that was occu- 
pied by him and Mr. Buchanan in 185G. In 
1850, Mr. Breckinridge oft'cred in the Ken- 
tucky Legislature, of which he was then a 
member, a resolution declaring that Congress 
had not the power cither to establish or pro- 
hibit slavery in the Territories, that that 
right belonged to the people of those Territo- 
ries. In 1854, while the Kansas and Nebraska 
bill was under consideration in the House of 
Representatives, Mr. Breckinridge declared 
tliat he would vote for no law to establish 
slavery, because that involved the power to 
prohibit slavery ; that he was opposed to 
either establishment or prohibition. In 1856, 
Mr. Douglas and Mr. Breckinridge spoke 
from the same stand, at Tippecanoe, Indiana, 
and they both took the same ground; they 
advocated the same doctrine ; they gave the 
same construction to the Cincinnati platform. 
[Cheers.] And now those gentlemen who 
advocate the election of Mr. Breckinridge 
have the effrontery to come forward and say 
that neither he nor they have changed their 
position. 

But they say they are only for ^^proiecting''' 
slaverJ^ What do they mean by "protec- 
tion ?" I do not suppose that there is a State 
in this Union, that has a law establishing 
slavery. Those States that desire to have 
the institution of slavery within their limits, 
pass laws to protect it — mere municipal laws, 
police regulations ; and when they do that, 
they establish slavery. Mr. Breckinridge 
now says he is only in favor of " protecting" 
and is opposed to "establishing" it. What 
is "protecting," but establishing?" Do not 
deal with us in this double sense. Deal with 
us as if we were men — as if we were your 
equals in manhood, in honor, and in intellect. 
We are not to be deceived and cheated by 
this quibble ; for it is nothing more, nothing 
less. [Applause.] 

Then, fellow-citizens, the party to which I 
belong is, not only as to nomination, but as 
to principle, standing under the time-honored 
flag that has been borne by the Democratic 
party. There we intend to stand, and fight 
all opponents, I care not by what name they 
may call themselves. 

The diiference between the Republican 
party, and the party to which Mr. Breckin- 
ridge belongs is this: They are both in favor 
of intervention. Mr. Lincoln says : " We 
will intervene to prohibit slavery in the Ter- 
ritories;" Mr. Breckinridge says : " We will 
intervene to protect slavery in the Territo- 
ries." The Democratic party, standing by 
its time-lionored doctrines and usages, says 
to each of them, "Stand off! Non-interven- 



tion by Congi'ess'witli slavery in thj States 
and Territories !" [Great applause.] 

^But, fellow-citizens,. I know not how it 
may be with you, but my belief is, that the 
twenty millions of people residing in the 
Northern States have discussed this question 
of slavery quite long enough ; that there are 
other great interests to which they ought to 
look. What a spectaele does your country 
present to-day ! For the last four years, un- 
der the Administration of James Buchanan, 
you have been discussing and agitating the 
question of slavery. What position does 
your commerce occupy ? What is the state 
of the national finances ? During this Ad- 
ministration your Government, in a time of 
profound peace, has contracted debts at the 
rate of $20,000,0U0 per annum. This Ad- 
ministration, discussing the negro question, 
has involved us in a debt of nearly ^100,000,- 
000. Is it not time that we should say to 
Congress, distinctly, emphatically, that we 
mean to banish this slavery question to the 
Territories, where it belongs, and we intend 
to turn our attention to other great interests, 
that concern the prosperity of the country? 
Now, I suppo.se there are none of us who 
are not satisfied that, on the subject of the 
tariff, there ought to be material changes. — 
How is it? The collectors of your ports are 
becoming rich ; your Government is becom- 
ing poor. Is it not time that we sliould 
establish a home valuation upon every article 
that is brought into the country, so that we 
may prevent fraud ? Is it not time that we 
should discuss and investigate whether, upon 
many articles, it is not our wise and just 
policy to-day to levy specific duties, to the 
end that honest revenue may be collected, 
and that we may have the great interests of 
the country protected? [.Applause.] These 
important interests cannot receive proper 
attention so long as this eternal negro ques- 
tion is before Congress. If either the 
Republican party or the party supjiorting 
Mr. Breckinridge succeed — the one seeking 
to prohibit slavery, the other to establish or 
protect it — you will not be able to give your 
attention to anything else than this agitating 
question. Why was it that the last Congress 
did not efl^ect any modification of our present 
tariif? They saw tliat we were falling in 
debt every year, the Government not coiect- 
ing revenue as it ought, yet no remedy was 
provided. AVhy ? Was not the taiirf bill 
deferred, that they might discuss this ques- 
tion of slavery in the Territories? Are you 
not, then, ready to repudiate any party that 
will longer press upon your consideration 
tliis question of slavery, to the exclu.sion of 
all olliers? In my judgment it is our duty 
to endeavor to banish this subject forever 
from the halls of Congress. Let us turn our 
attention to other and more worthy objects. 



Why is it that we see so much in the public 
press in regard to the mail to California ? — 
The Califoi-nia Senators permitted their mail- 
bill to be deferred, and finally lost, by con- 
senting to take up Mr. Davis' resolutions — 
resolutions contemplating no practical legis- 
lation, but merely involving the discussion 
of this eternal negro question. [Applause.] 
I ask you again, whether we shall not best 
consult our material interests by banishing 
this question from Congress, and referring it 
to the people of the Territories? ["Yes! 
yesl" and great applause.] 

And, fellow-citizens, why shall we not thus 
refer it ? In so doing are we not carrying 
out the great doctrine that underlies our in- 
stitutions ? For what did you fight your 
Revolution ? AVas it not for the right to reg- 
ulate your domestic affairs for youi-selves 'i 
If you resisted the British Government be- 
cause of its interference in regard to your 
internal concerns, ought you to attempt to 
impose your legislation upon the Territories? 
Wliyai-e not the people of the Territories ca- 
pable of taking care of these questions for 
themselves? The inhabitants of the Terri- 
,tories go from the State of New Jersey, from 
Pennsylvania, from New York, from all of 
our States. They are your friends, your 
kindred, your sons, j'our brothers, " bone of 
your bose, and flesh of your flesh." While 
they remain here in your State, they are ca- 
pable of exercising the elective franchise, of 
enjoying all the rights of suffrage. They 
vote for members of the Legislature ; they 
become members themselves; in their legis- 
lative capacity they determine what is for 
the interest of New Jersey. Why is it that 
these men, who are your equals, while they 
remain in this State, are not capable of 
taking care of themselves and determining 
their own interests and necessities when they 
go into the Territories? [A voice, "they 
are."] Witliin the State, they have the pan- 
oply of manhood around them, its diadem is 
upon their brow ; but the moment they cross 
the Territorial lines and cease to be citizens 
of the State, you say you ought to legislate 
for them, you ought to determine whether 
they shall have slavery or sliall not have 
slavery! The doctrine of the Democratic 
party is non-intervention by Congress with 
slavery in the District of Columbia, in the 
States, and in the Territories, leaving the 
people to dispose of the question for them- 
selves. [Applause.] 

Fellow-cit izens, is there any mode by which 
you can remove this agitating question from 
our national councils? If you adopt the 
Republican doctrine, you must keep it before 
Congress ; if you adopt the Breckinridge 
doctrine, you must keep it before Congress. 
Your representatives will go on for four years 
more discussing the negro question, to the 



exclusion of important measures of legislation 
demanded by the interests of the country. 
So far as regards any measures for ailvanc- 
ing the national prosperity, you will be left 
precisely where you are. In the meantime 
your public debt will swell to two or three 
hundred millions of dollars — this you will 
have to pay for enjoying the privilege of dis- 
cussing this negro question ! [jjaughter 
and applause.] 

Between the position of Mr. Breckinridge 
and that of Mr. Lincoln, the great body of 
conservative men in tliis country can have 
no choice. Either position keeps the ques- 
tion before the Congress of tlie United States 
for discussion, making it a subject of unpro- 
fitable discussion for years. The Democratic 
party proposes to transfer this question from 
the Congress of the United States to the Ter- 
ritories. Let the people decide it one way 
or tlie other, as they please ; let them change 
that decision whenever they please. It is 
their right; it ought to be their privilege. 
It is the best means of settling the question, 
and, in my judgment, the only moile by 
which you can ever administer this Govern- 
ment in harmony and tranquility. 

I have spoken of the princii^les that divide 
the parties. I propose now to speak, for a 
short time, in reference to the candidates. 

In regard to the claims of Mr. Breckin- 
ridge, I do not believe there are enough 
Breckinridge men in this part of the country 
to require from me much argument addressed 
to them. The great and powerl ul party hero 
are the Republicans. It is with them the 
Democracy have to contend. Whom have 
they presented as their candidate for the 
Presidency ? Have they put forward a tried 
statesman ? Have they presented a man 
who has won renown by brilliant achieve- 
ments on the battle-field? AVhat great act 
has Mr. Lincoln performed? What great 
measure has he brought forward? What 
legislation to advance the interests of the 
country has been consummated through his 
exertions ? Let his admirers answer, if they 
can. 

Six years of my life I had the pleasure or the 
misfortune, (I do not know which it was,) 
[laughter,] to serve with Mr. Lincoln in the 
Illinois Legislature. During that period, 
what measure did he ever advocate that 
looked to the interests of the State ? Why, 
fellow-citizens, he once got a law passed 
providing for building a I oU-bridge across Salt 
River, [laughter,] and I hope lie will find it 
necessary to geta steamboat with which torim 
up Salt River. [Laughter.] But I ask, as I 
have asked in Illinois, what act of his, what 
measure of his is there that may challenge 
our approbation or vindicate his fitness for 
theproud position to which lie aspires ? What 
prominent place has he occupied ? lie was 



two years a member of Congress. He and I 
took scuts in Congress together in 18t7. 
What was his poi^iiioa (here? What great 
mcasiii-c (lid he bring forward or advocate ? 
Let us review his history: , 

On (he 3d of January, 1848 — after our ar- 
my in Mexico had fought a series of victori- 
ous battles, unparalleled in history, termi- 
nating in their taking possession of the cap- 
ital — .Mr. Hudson, of Massachusetts, offered 
a resolution proposing to withdraw the army 
this side of the Rio Grande, and proposing 
further that (he President should make peace 
with Mexico, surrendering all claim "to in- 
demnity for the past and security for the fu- 
ture." For (hat proposition Mr. Lincoln 
voted, although in the State of Illinois, many 
of our families were clad in mourning for 
sons and brothers thathad been lost in those 
bloody battles! Suppose his policy had 
prevailed, where would we have been to-day'' 
Struggling as wo were in 1840, with distress 
and disasters ; for remember (hat since the 
acquisition of California, the gold that has 
been throv/n into circulation from that source 
has amounted to over $800,000,000. 

Jlr. Lincoln proposed (o throw away that 
conquest, or that purchase, whatever it may 
be called, and to leave the land in the hands 
of Mexico, with those treasures to lie buried 
forever ! Again, on a proposition offered by 
Mr. Ashmun, the president of the late Re- 
publican Ccjnvenlion, Mr. Lincoln voted to 
declare that that war had been unconstitu- 
tionally and uuneccssarily begun by the 
President of (he United States. That is his 
record in reference to (he war. 

True, his friends declare that he voted I 
for supplies of men and money (o carry on | 
that Avar. I have not examined (he record ; 
I shall not do so, for the reason that if he 
believed (he war unconstitutional and unjust, 
he committed perjury whenever he voted for 
supplies of men and money to carry it on. 
[Applause.] After these votes, Mr. Lincoln 
went home ; and the district (hat by her val- 
orous sons had contributed so largely to those 
conquents in Mexico, excused him from serv- 
ing further iu Congress. [Laughter.] 

There were some o(her propositions which 
Mr. Lincoln made Miiile he was in (^'ongress, 
and I propose to discuss them all. You need 
not be alarmed, it will not take me very long 
for his record is very short. [Laughter.] 
On one occasion, when he had this ncgrophobia 
upon him, he introduced a bill to abolish 
slavery in the District of Columbia. IIow 
do you suppose lie intended (o abolish it? 
Abolisii it right out? No? Here is the 
l)is(rict of Columbia, over which, as all 
agree, (Congress has absolute jurisdiction, 
yet Mr. Lincoln in his bill proposed to refer 
the quest i(in of abolition to the white voters 
in tlie District. If they voted "yes," slavery 



should be abolished; If they voted "no," it 
should continue. Now, the Republicans 
tell you that you ought not to trust this 
question of slavery to the people of the 
Territories. They want to induce you to 
believe (hat the people will not decide it pro- 
perly ; yet Mr. Lincoln, before he became a 
candidate for the Presidency, thought that 
in the District of Columbia the people ought 
to decide whether or not they would have 
slavery.. [Applause.] 

But he did not exactly propose to set 
the negroes free. By his bill, the President 
of the United States, the Secretary of State, 
and the Secretary of the Treasury were 
constituted appraisers. In each case, this 
body of appraisers were to set a value upon 
the negro ; if the owner agreed to take the 
price named, they were to give him an order 
upon the treasury ; and your money was to 
go to pay for that negro, who had, perhaps, 
served out the best of his life as a slave in 
the District of Columbia. [Laughter.] The 
doctrine of the Democratic party interposes, 
and says, "Hands off! Non-intervention by 
Congress with the subject of slavery !" 

Let us look at the question involved in this 
proposition, and see how the beauty of the 
Democratic doctrine of non-intervention ia 
displayed in contrast with the doctrine thus 
propounded by Mr. Lincoln. Do you favor 
the idea that your money should go to buy 
the negroes in the District of Columbia ? 
I am opposed to it. I do not v.ant this 
Government to become a great negro-purcha- 
ser. In the section of country where I was 
reared, and which is now my home, the man 
who engages in (ho purchase and sale of 
negroes is considered degraded. In my 
judgment, the Government which engages in 
their purchase and sale is also degraded. 
We want nothing (o do with slavery. Let 
the people, when they get tired of slavery, 
dispose of the question for themselves as you 
have done. Allow me to say here, that in 
regard to (his doctrine of allowing the peo- 
ple to determine the question for themselves, 
we .might court investigation from the P..e- 
publican party. We might recall to their 
attention the fact that at the formation of 
our Constitution, every State in the Union 
except one was a slave State, j-et, under the 
operation of this right of the people in the 
States to dispose of the question for them- 
selves, one half of the original States have 
become free States. [Applause.] AVe want 
no Congressional prohibition upon the subject. 
But this bill of Mr. Lincoln's may fore- 
shadow something else. In his contest two 
years ago with Mr. Douglas, Mr. Lincoln 
declared : 

"In my opinion it [the slavery agitation] will 
not cease until a crisis shall have been reached 
and passed. ' A house divided against itself 



cannot, staud.' I believe thin Government cannot 
endure 2Jermancnt!i/ half slaus and half free. 
I do not expoct the Union to bo dissolved. 
I do not expect the honso to fall; but I do ex- 
poet it ^vill cease to bo divided. /( loill become 
ail one thing, or all the other." 

Now, we know perfectly well that sl.avery 
ncvov ^yill extend into New Jer.icy ; we Icnow 
it never will go into New England ; wo know 
it nevei' will go into the North-west, so rap- 
idly settling with energetic Avhito men. It 
can find no foothold there, and no foothold 
here. What is the meaning, then, of Mr. 
Lincoln's proposition ? These Republicans 
will tell you "Wc only propose to prohibit 
ilavery in the Territories." But Mr. Lin- 
cola says that the States must become all free 
or all slave. Now, how is he going to bring 
that about ? I know of but two ways in 
which he can accomplish it. He must cither 
do it as John Brown attempted to do it — by 
violence, by force, by war — or ho must buy 
the slaves. I do not know of any other 
method. Now, I do not understand the Re- 
publican party to be in favor, and I do not 
chai'ge them with being in favor, of such 
raids a'j that of John Brown. If j'ou are 
opposed to such proceedings, how is Mr. 
Lincoln to carry out his views ? What is the 
process? Are you in favor of purcliasing 
thj slaves by appropriations from the Na- 
tional Treasury ? I know of no other means 
by which the thing is to be accomplished. 
Are you in favor of mortgaging the white 
men — you, your children, and your children's 
children — to buy these negroes in the South- 
ern States and to set them free? That is a 
question for you to determine ; for, whenever 
you embark in that Quixotic cntcrj)rise, you 
do mortgage the white man that the negro 
may become free. I repeat again, the great 
doctrine of the Democratic party is non-in- 
tervention ; let t'ne people do as they please. 
[Cheers.] 

I have exhibited to you the career and the 
principles of Mr. Lincoln. Do you propose 
to commit this great Government, with all 
its proud memories, with all its bright hopes, 
into such hands as his? Reflect upon tlie 
solemn duty that is imposed on you. Oh ! 
do not commit this Government, the only 
perfect one upon earth, int'o such dangerous 
hands — hands that are not able to manage 
the Ship of State. [Applause.] 

After thus glancing at Mr. Lincoln, what 
man is there in this country, standing with 
the regular Democratic organization, who 
cannot turn with pride to his candidate ? 
[Loud cheers.] Trace Judge Douglas from 
his boyhood up. Mark his political career 
— as member of the State Legislature, as 
Secretary of State, as Judge of the Court of 
Appeals, as member of the National House 



of Representatives, as a Senator of the United 
States. [Applause.] 

AVhatevor emergency has arisen, he has 
shown ability and courage to meet it r.s a 
statesman oup;lit. You iir.d him entering tho 
National House of Representatives, and put- 
ting at case the Jioart of Andrew Jackson, 
because, in regard to declaring martial lav,' at 
New Orleans, Mr. Douglas placed Gen. Jack- 
son's defence upon the proper ground, pcrmit- 
tingthc oldhero to go down to hisgr.avc with 
this painful subject removed from his 
thoughts. In the Senate of the United States 
it has been the fortune of ]\Ir. DoughiS fo 
cneounter our country's brightest intellectrj; 
and, let me say, that, since tlie death of Clay 
and of Webster, he has stood in that Senate 
without a peer, and without an equal. — ■ 
[Gi'cat applause.] 

In his onward march, it hnsbccomo neces- 
sary for him to encounter at times the preju- 
dices of his own constituents ; it has become 
his duty to brave the opposition of Senates 
and Presidents. He has met them all with- 
out shrinking, and in defence of the right 
has marched on, though Presidents frowned 
and Senates opposed. [Cheers.] 

In concluding these basfy remarks, fellow- 
citizens, lot me impress on your minds the 
fact that there is but one mode by v^'hich wc 
can get rid of this vexatious and irritating 
slavei-y question, and that is by adopting the 
doctrine which is recognized by the Consti- 
tution of the L'nited States, of leaving the 
question to each separate organized commu- 
nity to dispose of it for themselves, thus 
making the discussion local, not national. — 
AVe oppose the one party of the South, and 
the other of tho North, because they propose 
to make the question national. We desire 
to make it local, to leave it to the people in 
the Territories, in the States, and in tlie 
District of Columbia. 

This, it seems to rac, is a ground upon 
which all conservative men can unitedly 
stand. Hero let me say that, though Judge 
Douglas and myself have been warm, devoted 
friends for twenty-seven years, and though 
there is no man upon tho earth whom I would 
rather see President than him, yet above his 
political advancement, I prize the peace and 
harmony of the country ; and if we can suc- 
ceed in banishing this agitation from the 
National Legislature, it is of minor conse- 
quence how mere questions as to men are 
determined. I invoke you, tlien, you national 
men, you conservative men, you men who 
think it is your duty to transmit this Govern- 
ment with all its blessings to your children, 
bright and unimpaired as your fathers gave 
it to you, to-rally round this conservative doc- 
trine, this conservative platform. Casting 
behind us all local and temporary considera- 
tions, it is our duty in this great emergency, 



vihon the poace of tKc country is hieimec-d, 
•when onr institutions are in danger, to forget 
men, to look only at gver.t principles. 

Fello-iT-ciiizens, this Government ig all the 
hnri:a2"C that I received IVom my farlicr ; it 
Is the only patrimony that I expect to trans- 
mit to my children. I Avor.ld rather give it 
to my boys as my father gave it to me, >Tllh 
every avenue to fortune and to lienor open, 
than bestow upon them all the mines of Cali- 
fornia. Hence it is that I would rise above 
every mere consideration as to men, if we 
can imite upon a great principle — a pi'inciplc 
which will secure peace and harmony in this 
G ovcrnmeht. When such an issue is involved 
men sink into insignificance and arc ultcviy 
lost. [Applause] 

I am going, fellow-citizens, in a few days, 
to my home in the North-west. I expect to 
enter actively into the battle there. I sli;.;! 
stand benearh that Democratic Sag uuilcr 
which I have stood from boyhood's hour up 
to this time. [Applause.] 

I expect to deal L^omc hard blows at the 
Republicans, and I expect to receive sorjc 
blows in return. I do not anticipate tliat I 
shall be obliged there to talk against Mr. 
Breckinridge; for there arc not enough Breck- 



inridg*! Mftn theva to make mile-posts along 
the public highways. [Laughter.] What- 
ever doctrines may have obtained, whatever 
heresies may have sprung up, those people 
of the North-west are not in favor of making 
this Government a great establishment to 
propagate slavery, and to do nothing else. 
I5ut I expect to fight the doctrines of the 
Republicans, which, in my judgment, are 
equally dangerous to the peace of the coun- 
try. I shall oppose those doctrines with all 
my power, and wherever the opportunity 
may offer. I shall endeavor to persuade the 
members of the Republican organization to 
abandon their position and to stand by the 
rights of the people of the Territoj'ies; to 
preserve our institutions as our fathers gave 
them to us, and to leave this Government, 
when we go hence, standing like the angel 
in Revelation, with one foot upon the land 
and the other upon the sea, with her counte- 
nance beaming upon the sons and daughters 
of the nation and invoking the down-trodden 
and oppressed of every clime to come here 
and be free. 

(The' speaker retired amid enthusiastic, 
long-continued cheering.) 



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